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121 by a Diels-Alder reaction accompanied by decarboxylation Grunfeld, J e uproar a generation
ago in a tiny Indian village in Mexico following the discovery that an inoculation serum
contained horse blood; no one wanted this substance injected into his body. Inoculation, as
a consequence, had to be postponed until a more enlightened age and the population of the
village exposed itself to the threat of lethal disease. What Westerners consider the major
characteristic of the serum (disease prevention) was ignored; the minor characteristic
(horse blood) was emphasized. To the Indian, the attribution of importance was reversed.
Such are the powers of conceptualization.
When the law, such as in New York State, defines marijuana as a narcotic, it is actually
using the definition as a code—a kind of cryptograph—for unprovable assumptions about
the drug's properties, the moral nature of its use, and the character of its clientele. The fact
that in a pharmacological sense, the legal definition is erroneous and absurd, should not
trouble us unduly. Actually, the pharmacological property of the drug has been suppressed
in favor of a moral and evaluative properties. Narcotic is a code word for evil and
(putatively) dangerous. The evaluation of marijuana as dangerous contains both moral and
empirical judgments, as we pointed out earlier. It involves two processes: deciding what
may be defined as dangerous, which is a value judgment, and how the evidence
concerning marijuana's dangers may be evaluated. The law does not purport to make a
scientific evaluation of the drug's characteristics; it is making a moral and conjectural
judgment; by labeling the phenomenon it is criminalizing, the coupling is made powerful,
and the elements are almost inseparable.
In fact, the entire marijuana controversy could be viewed as a series of semantic
constructs. We could make generalizations about the position of one or another combatant
on the basis of specific key words—even without examining his argument. These words
could serve as linguistic devices or symbols for a whole line of reasoning. We know, for
instance, that if Oriental studies are cited, the author thinks that marijuana is harmful. Or
that if the alcohol-marijuana comparison is made, that the person presenting the argument
feels that alcohol is more harmful than marijuana, and that pot should be legalized Thus,
the words, "India" or "alcohol" serve as a symbol for a position taken. Arguments are
invoked; linguistic symbols are manipulated It is a form of shorthand for an ideological
position. Similarly, in many cultural forms, such as film, there are popularly understood
(12 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
and taken-for-granted summing-up devices which represent larger universes of discourse.
At one time, in Westerns, the villain had to be dressed in black and ride a black horse: the
hero was symbolized by white. We know today that sexual intercourse takes place when
accompanied by the appropriate symbol referents, eve , 64,892 (1975) Replacement of pyran 0 by N and ring
expansion of ring B by one carbon can retain activity Uliss, and H
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prepare 141, but the acid itself could not be isolated, as during hydrolysis it
decarboxylated to give 12 Redshaw, and D It has
cannabis anbauen marijuana-like activity unlike
other ring-opened cannabinoids, for
Macko, and B
At the time Razdan and Zitkol O4 had proposed that this transformation
involved cleavage of the ether bond followed by probable inversion at C4 rather
than at C-3
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f The fil-isomer 3 is more
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-- Thursday, October 02, 2014 2:25:57 PM
Plant Plant , 4101 (1971)
1 e was, and I felt pressured into it. They all tried to teach me
how to do it.
Twenty-two-year-old writer, female
I can remember thinking, if I were offered marijuana, I would try it. I knew
it wasn't dangerous. I was offered it coming back from skiing with
somebody I'd just met. We were riding home in a car.
Twenty-one-year-old advertising specialist, female
I didn't want to go along with everyone else. It was the hip thing to do in my
high school in the tenth grade. I just didn't want to be a part of the drug
scene. I was against it, but I knew I would eventually try it. I felt as if I
might really like it. I just didn't happen to like those kids I knew that
smoked. One day, two of us were sitting in a coffee house, and a friend
dropped in and said, let's try it. We went into the back, into the ladies' room,
and smoked it.
(6 of 15)4/15/2004 1:05:28 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 6
Eighteen-year-old college freshman, female
I was sixteen years old, in the Air Force. Near the base, in a bar, a whore
picked me up, and we went to her place. She turned me on. My attitudes
were hostile concerning pot. I thought it was dope, I thought it was
addicting. I took it because I'm a chump for a broad. Anything she
suggested was okay.
I knew it would be groovy two years before I turned on. I didn't have any
opportunities before then. I would have snatched them up if I had. I studied
up on drugs before I took it. I knew what the hygiene course we had in high
school was teaching were lies.
Twenty-year-old bookstore clerk
At first, I thought, it's a terrible drug, and it leads to heroin. But my brother
demolished all the fallacies. It sounded good. There was nothing wrong
with it but I was still afraid of it. My brother turned me on.
Nineteen-year-old clerk in a bookstore, female
My feelings about pot were nonexistent, though I was vaguely favorably
disposed to it. I discounted the negative jazz as hoopla and propaganda; I
couldn't see, after reading about it, any harm from it. I didn't accept the first
few opportunities I had, because I didn't like the people I was with. Finally,
I visited some friends, and they offered me some.
Before, I didn't want to—I didn't see any reason for it. I wasn't around
people who smoked it. But at the job I have now, people at the office talked
about it. I got interested. I mentioned to someone in the office I'd like to try
it: Could you get me some? So, one night my husband and I had guests. No
one had ever had the stuff before. Three of us turned on with the pot I got
from the office. My husband didn't try it.
Twenty-five-year-old assistant research analyst, market research firm
I knew it was harmless, and I was curious about it. I was sitting in the park,
(7 of 15)4/15/2004 1:05:28 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 6
and a guy came to me and asked if I wanted to buy some, and I bought a
nickel bag, and went rceived effect of marijuana intoxication on the sense of smell is an experiential
enhancement, making smells richer and more unique.
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(9 of 9)4/15/2004 7:06:06 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 9
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On Being Stoned
Charles T. Tart, Ph. D.
Chapter 9. Space and Time
EXPERIENCES, EVENTS, do not just happen; they happen to a person at a place at a time. This chapter will
deal with many important changes in the perception of and orientation to the matrix of space and time during
marijuana intoxication. Some 11 items specifically dealt with this in the questionnaire, and another 11 items
from other sections are clearly relevant, as well as all the effects on Memory discussed in Chapter 14. The
question of the person who experiences things in the space/time matrix will be dealt with in Chapter 18.
PERCEPTION OF SPACE
The third most characteristic effect of marijuana intoxication is "When I walk someplace, my experience of
the distance covered is quite changed (e.g., not being aware of the space between, just seeming to suddenly be
there or, conversely, feeling that it takes an immense number of steps to cover the distance" (1%, 3%, 18%,
45%, 33%). The minimal level of intoxication is generally Low to Moderate (7%, 27%, 41%, 19%, 3%). The
Therapy and Growth group and the Meditators have to be less intoxicated for this (p <.01, overall) than the
Even when the user is not moving about himself, distances change: "Distances between me and things or me
(1 of 9)4/15/2004 7:06:17 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 9
Figure 9-1. DISTANCES
and other people seem to get greater; they are further away" (13%, 15%,
44%, 17%, 9%) is a common effect, which, occurs at Moderate to Strong
levels of intoxication (3%, 17%, 27%, 19%, 8%). The converse effect,
"Distances between me and other things or people seem to get shorter;
they are closer" is also common (23%, 20%, 43%, 7%, 3%) as a mid-range
effect (4%, 17%, 27%, 19%, 3%). As shown in Figure 9-1, distances'
seeming greater occurs somewhat more frequently (p <.01), but levels of
intoxication for these linked effects do not differ significantly.
The college-educated need to be somewhat more intoxicated than the
Professionals for distances to seem shorter (p < .05).
Spatial orientation may be completely lost temporarily: "I get so lost in
fantasy or similar trips in my head that I completely forget where I am, and
it takes a while to reorient after I come back and open my eyes" is common
(15%, 22%, 37%, 19%, 8%) but occurs mainly at the very high levels of intoxication (1%, 3%, 20%, 33%,
24%). This is reported as occurring less often by the Daily users (p <.05, overall). Two related phenomena,
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7 Wilson and E
Goodman, and H Crombie and R Nordqvist, C Yagen, Tetrahedron Lett 64 Thus lactone 122 was prepared from isoprene and
121 by a Diels-Alder reaction accompanied by decarboxylation Redshaw, and D